While identity politics contributed to the democratization of American society, in Israel they have had deeply regressive effects on Israeli society, fueling tribalism and discord. This essay reviews the development of identity politics in Israeli political discourse, explores its foundations, and demonstrates how it has eventually led to the Peace Camp being marked as a status symbol and social marker of a specific ethnic, educational and social group.
The breakdown into rival political camps in Israel in the early days of the state was very different from now, revolving, among other things, around the tensions between the socialist and liberal camps and the country’s positioning vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. The Zionist left parties, i.e. the “workers’ camp”, considered the liberal parties as their chief ideological rivals rather than the proponents of a “greater Israel”. This essay reviews the history of the Israeli Labor Party and its relationship with the country’s peace camp.
Twelve years ago, Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) were making significant progress in the US-sponsored bilateral peace negotiations. Since then, the stalemate in the talks has become the new normal. The Israeli peace camp has been subjected to a smear campaign that has shaken its self-esteem and ruined its chances of winning over the public. This systematic smearing of Israeli and Palestinian two-staters has paid off: Israel's declared left-wing parties now constitute together roughly a meager 10% of the vote and the issue of the conflict has been pushed to the sidelines. How did we get to this point? This essay offers insights into several processes that combined to transform Israel's political landscape over the past decade.
While peace initiatives have always been part of Israel’s political landscape, they have varied widely in the form and intensity of their dynamics, significance for the public debate and impact over the years. Diverse movements, networks, groups and alliances have been created to nurture Israeli-Palestinian relations as part of an effort to bring an end to the conflict and putting a stop to the enmity, violence and injustices it entails. This broad assortment of initiatives has come to be loosely known as the Israeli Peace Camp. In the past few decades, this camp has attained notable achievements yet also faced considerable setbacks. This essay reviews the history of the peace camp in the period 1967-2000.
Living in the shadow of a violent conflict keeps security at the top of the national agenda, pushing aside equally important issues such as health, transportation, welfare, infrastructure and education. When the discussion is dominated by the security establishment, solutions for prevention, retaliation and even negotiation remain within the confines of military thought, and decision-making gets stuck in a rut. Creative thinking is not allowed in and discourse becomes automatic. Decisions are based on expert assessments that are all forged in the same breeding ground. Against this background, Women Waging Peace championed two goals: promoting a respectful agreement to end the conflict and increased participation of women in foreign and security policy-making in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 1325.
The word "occupation" brings forth many images: right against left, settlers against the IDF, the Defense budget, boycotts of products from the occupied territories, BDS, the mantra "there is no partner for peace." But few talk about its impact on Israel's standard of living.
The report – a joint publication of Ir Amim and Peace Now – focuses on the rapid escalation of private settlement activity in the heart of Batan al-Hawa, a Palestinian community in Silwan, located just outside the Old City walls within clear sight of Al-Aqsa. Batan al-Hawa is now the site of the largest attempted settler takeover in East Jerusalem, representing not only the large-scale displacement of an entire community but also the complicity of the Israeli government in facilitating private settlement in the Historic Basin.
